From FSM to Washington: Corruption crosses oceans

Inside the Reef By Joyce McClure

The Qatari government has finally found a sucker—er, taker—for a $400 million plane it’s been trying to offload for the past five years.  

But it’s not the gift they’d have us believe. U.S. taxpayers will now be footing the bill to the tune of an estimated $1 billion. That’s the projected cost to strip the aircraft, inspect it for bugs—of the surveillance, not the insect, variety—and retrofit it with the high-level security systems necessary for use by the president. And here's the kicker: once this president's term ends in less than four years, the plane will become part of his presidential library for his personal use.  

Meanwhile, vital government services are being hollowed out to pay for these follies. Veterans’ benefits, jobs programs, health care, education and Social Security are all being sacrificed at the altar of political vanity and self-enrichment.

I don’t know about you, but I’d like my taxes back. I do not want my hard-earned money going to a gaudy, gold-encrusted plane.

But for now, let’s talk about corruption—one of the many issues front and center today. I’ve been warning about Chinese corruption in the FSM for years. It's part of a larger, more troubling pattern that connects what’s happening in the U.S. to what’s happening across the Pacific, where corruption presents serious challenges to governance, development and the management of resources.  

Corruption remains a persistent issue across many regions of the world, and different nations have developed various legal and institutional mechanisms to address it. Both the U.S. and the FSM have constitutional and legal provisions aimed at curbing corruption and holding public officials accountable.  

The U.S. Constitution provides several tools to combat corruption among high-ranking government officials. One of the most significant mechanisms is the impeachment process, which allows for the removal of the president, vice president and other civil officers for committing "high crimes and misdemeanors."

While the Constitution does not exhaustively define what constitutes these offenses, it explicitly includes treason and bribery as impeachable acts.

Beyond impeachment, the U.S. Constitution also limits the ways in which federal officials can benefit financially from their positions. The Emoluments Clause prohibits government officials from accepting gifts, payments, or titles from foreign governments without the consent of Congress. This clause was intended to prevent undue foreign influence and maintain the integrity of federal officeholders.   

In the United States, concerns over executive accountability intensified following a 2024 Supreme Court ruling that a president cannot be criminally prosecuted for actions deemed part of their official duties. Critics argue the decision creates a dangerous legal shield, allowing a sitting president to avoid consequences for abuses of power.

Although impeachment remains an option, this decision significantly narrows the tools available to check presidential misconduct through the justice system. The current administration is testing the boundaries of this ruling daily.     

The FSM Constitution similarly includes anti-corruption measures. Article IX, Section 7 of the Constitution allows for the removal of the president, vice president, or Supreme Court justices on grounds of treason, bribery, or other corrupt behavior.  

These constitutional provisions are reinforced by national laws that criminalize corrupt activities. Bribery, for example, is considered a serious offense in the FSM and carries significant penalties. Individuals found guilty can face up to 10 years in prison and may be permanently barred from holding public office. 

The FSM grapples with the complex interplay between traditional gift-giving customs and modern political ethics, particularly regarding China’s growing influence in the region. While gift-giving is deeply rooted in Micronesian culture, the scale and intent of the gifts offered by Chinese diplomats and businesses have raised red flags.

Former FSM President David Panuelo publicly disclosed incidents where officials were given envelopes of cash, smartphones and private flights, while some Chinese-funded projects bypassed national accounting systems entirely.   

Panuelo warned that these practices were compromising the nation’s sovereignty and steering the FSM’s political decisions toward Beijing’s interests.

This blending of cultural customs with foreign influence highlights how corruption can disguise itself in tradition. Despite existing anti-corruption laws, FSM’s enforcement mechanisms remain weak, and the nation has yet to ratify the U.N. Convention Against Corruption.   

Within the FSM, approaches to anti-corruption at the state level vary. Chuuk stands out with its constitutional mechanism, which appoints an independent prosecutor to investigate and prosecute corruption.

Yap does not include a dedicated anti-corruption clause but mandates independent audits and forbids the misuse of public resources. Pohnpei and Kosrae lack specific anti-corruption provisions, though both constitutions emphasize due process and legal compliance, which provide a foundation for addressing unethical behavior.   

While the U.S. and the FSM have embedded anti-corruption safeguards into their legal systems, political corruption remains a pressing issue, taking many forms and affecting sectors from natural resource management to public services, through bribery, vote-buying and sextortion.   

Now, we’re seeing the grift in the U.S. dressed up as governance. We’ve watched public resources diverted for private gain. We’ve witnessed a presidency wrapped in the trappings of monarchy—planes, properties, privileges, a planned military parade—all leveraged for self-enrichment. And now, thanks to a Supreme Court ruling, we’re told that when a president acts corruptly in “official capacity,” it’s not a crime.   

And let’s be honest: accountability is unlikely. With a Republican majority in Congress willing to look the other way, and with the president's tight grip on both the executive branch and a judiciary tilted in his favor, the checks that should safeguard our democracy have been reduced to rubber stamps. The very institutions meant to protect the republic are now shielding the man dismantling it from within.  

This isn’t just corruption. It’s impunity.  

Joyce McClure is a former senior marketing executive and former Peace Corps volunteer in Yap. Transitioning to freelance writing, she moved to Guam in 2021 and recently relocated back to the mainland. Send feedback to joycemcc62@yahoo.com 

 The opinions expressed here are solely the author's and do not reflect the opinions and beliefs of the Pacific Island Times.